Wikipedia talk:Featured article candidates/Strom Thurmond filibuster of the Civil Rights Act of 1957/archive2

As of this revision

#	Name	Page(s)	Source Link	Article Text	Source Text	Note(s)
1	Dwight D. Eisenhower Presidential Library, Museum and Boyhood Home	—	[1]	The Civil Rights Act of 1957 was designed to federally secure and protect the right of African Americans to vote, and was supported by the NAACP alongside the Eisenhower administration.	"The result was the Civil Rights Act of 1957, the first civil rights legislation ... and empowered federal prosecutors to obtain court injunctions against interference with the right to vote"	—
2	United States House of Representatives	—	[2]		"... the Civil Rights Act of 1957. Propelled by advocacy groups like the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, as well as the Dwight D. Eisenhower administration, ..." "...established the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights for two years, created a civil rights division in the U.S. Justice Department, and authorized the U.S. Attorney General to seek federal court injunctions to protect the voting rights of African Americans."
3	National Archives and Records Administration	—	[3]	While the Fifteenth Amendment had guaranteed men of all races the right to vote in 1870, state laws, poll taxes, and other institutions prevented African Americans from voting.	"The Fifteenth Amendment (ratified in 1870) extended voting rights to men of all races. However, this amendment was not enough because African Americans were still denied the right to vote by state constitutions and laws, poll taxes, literacy tests, the “grandfather clause,” and outright intimidation."	—
4	Iowa Department of Cultural Affairs	—	[4]	The Civil Rights Act of 1957 aimed to protect African Americans' voting rights by establishing a Civil Rights Division within the Department of Justice and a U.S. Civil Rights Commission.	"This legislation established a Commission on Civil Rights to investigate civil rights violations and also established a Civil Rights Division within the Department of Justice. The Civil Rights Act of 1957 authorized the prosecution for those who violated the right to vote for United States citizens."
5	Politico	—	[5]	In the Senate, many Democrats from Southern states were angered by the bill.	"While the bill alienated and angered Southern Democrats, they lifted their blockade after it became apparent that the measure would do little, if anything, to end Jim Crow practices in the South."	—
6	Fox News	—	[6]	Strom Thurmond, a United States Senator from South Carolina, remarked that the civil rights bill constituted a "cruel and unusual punishment",	"The South Carolina (search) senator, then a Democrat, opened his one-man filibuster on Aug. 28, 1957, at 8:54 p.m. against the bill, which he said was unconstitutional and 'cruel and unusual punishment.'"	—
				He also brought throat lozenges and malted milk tablets onto the floor with him in his pockets.	"The senator, armed with throat lozenges and malted milk tablets, recited the voting rights laws of every state to show adequate protection existed."	Also #18, which states "Before he left for the floor, Thurmond put a handful of malted milk tablets in one pocket and throat lozenges in another."
7	Lachicotte (1966)	133	[7]	and stated that he hoped to "educate the country" by means of an extended speech against the legislation.	"Nevertheless, Senator Thurmond held to his decision 'to educate the country' by means of a comprehensive speech on the subject of the civil rights bill."	—
8	United States Senate	—	[8]	Senate rules allow for virtually unlimited debate on a bill, and a filibuster is a means of using these rules to prevent a bill's passage by speaking for as long as possible.	"Whether praised as the protector of political minorities from the tyranny of the majority, or attacked as a tool of partisan obstruction, the right of unlimited debate in the Senate, including the filibuster, has been a key component of the Senate’s unique role in the American political system. The tactic of using long speeches to delay action on legislation appeared in the very first session of the Senate"	—
				filibuster can also be ended by a cloture vote, which requires a certain percentage of senators to agree that a speech should be ended. At the time of Thurmond's speech, the threshold for cloture was a two-thirds majority. Thurmond holds the record for the longest solo filibuster, but longer filibusters have been carried out by groups of senators.	"In 1917, with frustration mounting and at the urging of President Woodrow Wilson, senators adopted a rule (Senate Rule 22) that allowed the Senate to invoke cloture and limit debate with a two-thirds majority vote.... Filibusters proved to be particularly useful to southern senators who sought to block civil rights legislation, including anti-lynching bills. Not until 1964 did the Senate successfully overcome a filibuster to pass a major civil rights bill. Nevertheless, a growing group of senators continued to be frustrated with the filibuster and pushed to change the cloture threshold. In 1975, the Senate reduced the number of votes required for cloture from two-thirds of senators voting to three-fifths of all senators duly chosen and sworn, or 60 of the current 100 senators." The type of filibuster most familiar to Americans is the marathon speech by a small group of senators, or even a single senator, such as the filibuster staged by fictional senator Jefferson Smith in Frank Capra’s 1939 film Mr. Smith Goes to Washington. There have been some famous filibusters in the real-life Senate as well.... The record for the longest individual speech goes to South Carolina's Strom Thurmond, who filibustered for 24 hours and 18 minutes against the Civil Rights Act of 1957.	—
9	Cohodas (1993)	294–296	[9]	At the time of Thurmond's filibuster, leaving the chamber or sitting down while speaking would end a senator's speech.	"Leaving the chamber even for the bathroom would have meant giving up the floor." "Just before 1:00 P.M. Thurmond nearly lost the floor when he sat down while answering a question from William Langer of North Dakota. Dent frantically whispered to him to get up, which he did, and Herman Talmadge, who was presiding, apparently chose to ignore his colleague's momentary lapse. There was another interruption in the afternoon, when Democrat William Proxmire was sworn in. Thurmond rushed into the cloakroom to get a bite of a sandwich, reminded by Dent that he needed to keep one foot in the chamber. While he kept the cloakroom door open, he went all the way inside. But Vice-President Nixon, who was presiding by this time, had been going through some papers at the rostrum and didn't notice that he could have forced Thurmond to relinquish the floor."	—
10	Crespino (2012)	113	[10]	Thurmond's filibuster was primarily focused on a specific provision in the civil rights bill that focused on minor voting rights contempt cases. The provision allowed these cases to be tried by a judge without a jury present, but allowed a second trial by jury if penalties in the first trial exceeded 45 days' imprisonment or $300 in fines. This arrangement had been decided through a compromise between Republicans and Democrats, though according to historian Joseph Crespino it had very little practical impact since many judges would not hear a case without a jury if doing so made a second trial more likely.	"Howard Smith's recalcitrance gave House Republicans an opening. On August 21 the Republicans laid out a compromise plan that allowed judges to try minor contempt cases without a jury, but it guaranteed a new trial, by jury, if the penalty imposed was more than $300 or forty-five days in prison. This was a face-saving measure by Martin and the Republicans. It was practically meaningless since few judges would hear a case without a jury as doing so would make it likely that the case would have to be tried twice. It was enough, however, to bring leadership from both parties in both houses together. Thurmond denounced the compromise, calling the jury trial guarantee 'a matter of principle, not a matter of degree.'"	—
11	Lachicotte (1966)	131	[11]	Thurmond and other Southern senators saw the provision as a violation of the defendant's right to a trial by jury, which is guaranteed by the U.S. Constitution.	"The junior South Carolina Senator [Thurmond] became disturbed that the compromise jury trial provision was not getting the attention of the American public ... The southern senators had based the best part of their case against the bill on the question of the right of trial by jury in criminal court contempt cases arising under the legislation ... This part of the bill, according to Thurmond, his southern colleagues and others, was a violation of the right of trial by jury as guaranteed to every citizen in Article III, Section 2, of the Constitution of the United States and also in the Sixth Amendment to the Constitution."	—
12	National Public Radio	—	[12]	Thurmond had been significantly involved in politics prior to his senatorship: He had served as governor of South Carolina, helped to found the States' Rights Democratic Party after a walkout over civil rights at the 1948 Democratic National Convention, and ran against Harry S. Truman and Thomas E. Dewey as the new party's candidate in the 1948 presidential election. Thurmond garnered more than one million votes and won four states in this third-party presidential bid. Six years later, Thurmond ran as a Democrat and was elected to the Senate as the junior senator from South Carolina in a write-in campaign.	"In the 1948 presidential election, Thurmond won more than a million votes and carried four southern states." "the rebellious 'Dixiecrats' chose Thurmond, then South Carolina's governor, as their presidential nominee." "In 1954, the year the Supreme Court banned segregated schools, Thurmond was elected to the Senate as a write-in candidate."	"Six years later" per WP:CALC: 1954-1948=6
13	Miller Center	—	[13]		"At the Democratic National Convention in July 1948, however, Truman's approach collapsed after pro-civil rights Democrats—led by Minnesota's Hubert Humphrey and anti-communist liberals from the organization Americans for Democratic Action (ADA)—won a strong civil rights plank for the party's platform. Truman was willing to accept the plank, holding out hope that southerners would stay in the party. He was wrong; the entire Mississippi delegation and half of the Alabama delegation walked out of the convention. The southerners that remained did so only to vote against Truman's nomination. By the end of July, southern Democrats had formed the States Rights' Party (also known as the Dixiecrats). It nominated Governor J. Strom Thurmond (SC) and Governor Fielding Wright (MS) for President and vice president."	—
14	The New York Times	—	[14] (also available on ProQuest)	Thurmond's political candidacies were largely based on his opposition to racial integration.	"His opposition to integration, which he often attributed to Communism, was the hallmark of his career in Washington until the 1970's"	Also in title: "Strom Thurmond, Foe of Integration, Dies at 100"
				The bill passed two hours after Thurmond finished speaking,	"At 8:54 p.m. on Aug. 28, 1957, he started talking, and he did not stop until 9:12 p.m. the next day. Two hours later, the Senate passed the first civil rights bill since 1875.'	—
15	Lachicotte (1966)	130	[15]	An agreement among the Southern senators to not stage an organized filibuster had been reached in Senator Richard Russell's office on August 24, four days prior to Thurmond's speech.	"At the final caucus of the southern senators in Senator Richard Russell's office on Saturday, August 24, 1957, with Senator Thurmond present, it was generally agreed that organized extended debate would not be held."	—
16	Bass & Thompson (2005)	170	[16]	Thurmond's departure from the senators' agreement was later criticized by party leaders including Russell and Herman Talmadge.	"Minutes after Thurmond sat down, his distant relative Talmadge accused him of "grandstanding". The next day, Russel coldly commented, 'If I had taken a filibuster for personal aggrandizement, I would have forever reproached myself for being guilty of a form of treason against the South.'"	—
17	Library of Congress	—	[17]	Alaska and Hawaii were not yet admitted as states at the time of the filibuster.	1959: Alaska and Hawaii admitted, respectively, as the 49th and 50th states of the Union.	—
18	Cohodas (1993)	294	[18]	The filibuster began at 8:54 p.m. on August 28, 1957 with a reading of the election laws of each of the 48 states	"At 8:45 p.m. on August 28 he went out onto the Senate floor; he began talking at 8:54 p.m. ... The he read aloud the election statues of every state in order to show why federal voting laws were unnecessary"	—
19	BBC News	—	[19]	Thurmond's filibuster has been described by historian and biographer Joseph Crespino as "kind of a urological mystery".	"'It's a kind of urological mystery as to how he was able to do it,' says Crespino."	—
				and continued with readings of U.S. Supreme Court rulings, Democracy in America by Alexis de Tocqueville, and George Washington's Farewell Address.	"Twenty-two years later, the veteran South Carolina Senator Strom Thurmond, set a record by filibustering a civil rights bill for 24 hours and 18 minutes, reading aloud the voting laws of each US state and quoting George Washington's farewell address in its entirety."	—
20	The Washington Post	—	[20] (also available on ProQuest)		"Then he read the federal code, a few Supreme Court opinions and from Alexis de Tocqueville’s 'Democracy in America.' Claims he read the phone book are not supported by the Congressional Record.	—
				The filibuster failed to prevent the passage of the bill, and further failed to change the vote whatsoever.	"Within hours, the bill passed. Thurmond’s talkathon hadn’t swayed a single senator to change their vote."	—
				While the filibuster did not use any "overtly racist language" according to The Washington Post, it has been described as such by the newspaper because the bill Thurmond filibustered against protected the right of African Americans to vote.	"He used no overtly racist language while on the floor but falsely claimed that African Americans in the South who wanted to vote could do so unhindered, and he employed the old Confederate feint that he was simply acting to support states’ rights."	WP describes the filibuster as racist in the article's title: "Note to Mitch McConnell: The Senate’s longest filibuster was definitely racist"
21	Lachicotte (1966)	133–135	[21]	The Senate chamber gallery, filled with hundreds of spectators at the beginning of the filibuster, dwindled to just NAACP lobbyist Clarence Mitchell Jr. and Thurmond's wife Jean at points during the early morning hours.	"In the gallery were about two hundred spectators; conspicuous among them was Jean Thurmond, dressed simply in a navy knit suit." "As the wee, pre-dawn hours came on, the Senate chamber presented a curious sight. The gallery was empty except for two people - the strangest combination imaginable. Mrs. Thurmond, a lonely frail figure in blue... in another section was Clarence Mitchell of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People"	Also #18, which states "Jean went up to the third floor of the Senate, to sit on the special gallery for senator's family, where she would stay the entire night. Nearby was the NAACP's chief lobbyist, Clarence Mitchell"
22	Crespino (2012)	115	[22]	During the filibuster, Thurmond sustained himself on diced pieces of pumpernickel bread and small pieces of ground steak.	"During the course of his speech Thurmond nibbled on cold ground sirloin steak that Jean had cooked at home and brought over in tinfoil with a hunk of pumpernickel bread."	—
				On the morning of the 29th, Thurmond's voice dropped to a mumble and his tone became increasingly monotonous. Republican leader William Knowland from California requested around midday that Thurmond speak up so he could be sure no motions were being made, but Thurmond responded by suggesting that the senator move closer. Knowland remained where he was.	"By midday Thursday, his voice had become so faint that the California senator William Knowland, sitting on the other side of the chamber, asked him to speak up. Thurmond requested that the senator move closer. Knowland declined, saying he was 'well satisfied' with his seat."	—
23	Cohodas (1993)	296	[23]		"Once, when the senator's drawl had slid into a barely audible mumble, Knowland asked him to speak up. Thurmond suggested Knowland move a little closer to the rear of the chamber, but the Californian replied that he was 'well satisfied' with his seat."	—
24	Lachicotte (1966)	136	[24]	At approximately 1 p.m. Thurmond yielded to allow for the swearing-in of William Proxmire, who was elected following the death of Joseph McCarthy, after which he resumed his speech. Thurmond was also allowed breaks throughout the day by other senators, including some in support of the bill, when they questioned him at length.	"A short break came at one o'clock to allow swearing-in of Senator William Proxmire of Wisconsin, newly elected to fill the deceased Senator Joseph McCarthy's unexpired term. Other breathers came during the course of the day when several colleagues engaged in prolonged questioning—'just to give the fellow a break,' said some of them"	—
25	Cohodas (1993)	296–297	[25]	Thurmond concluded his filibuster after 24 hours and 18 minutes at 9:12 p.m. on August 29, making it the longest filibuster ever conducted in the Senate to date.	"Thurmond announced, 'I now give up the floor.' He left the chamber at 9:12 p.m., having broken the previous filibuster record of twenty-two hours and twenty-six minutes set by Senator Morse three years earlier"	Also #8, which states "The record for the longest individual speech goes to South Carolina's Strom Thurmond, who filibustered for 24 hours and 18 minutes against the Civil Rights Act of 1957."
26	The Washington Post	—	[26] (also available on ProQuest)	This surpassed the previous record set by Wayne Morse, who spoke against the Submerged Lands Act for 22 hours and 26 minutes in 1953.	"A constituent of Sen. Wayne Morse (D-Ore.) favorably compared Morse’s 1953 filibuster opposing the Submerged Lands Act to Smith’s valiant political drama on screen."
27	Byrd (1988)	148	[27]		"In 1953, Wayne Morse of Oregon set a new record for long-windedness in the Senate when he took the floor at 11:40 a.m. on Friday, April 24, and spoke until 10:06 a.m. Saturday, a total of twenty-two hours and twenty-six minutes. Morse opposed the pending offshore oil bill..."
28	United States Senate	—	[28]		"... he [Morse] began a filibuster against Tidelands Oil legislation. When he concluded after 22 hours and 26 minutes, he had broken the 18-hour record set in 1908 by his mentor, Robert La Follette. Morse kept that distinction until 1957, when Strom Thurmond logged the current record of 24 hours and 18 minutes."
29	Lachicotte (1966)	134	[29]	Teams of Congressional stenographers worked together to record the speech for the Congressional Record, which ultimately consumed 96 pages in the Record and cost taxpayers over $7,000 in printing costs ($68,000 in 2021 dollars).	"Directly in front, teams of stenographer took turns scribbling away for the Congressional Record and posterity every monotoned word from the southern senator at the rear of the chamber"	Also #22, which states "The speech filled ninety-six pages of the Congressional Record with estimated printing costs running to $7,776."
30	Bass & Thompson (2005)	169	[30]	Thurmond took regular steam baths leading up to the filibuster in order to draw fluids out of his body, thus dehydrating himself and allowing himself to absorb fluids for a longer period of time during the filibuster.	"...taking steam baths for several days to dehydrate his body so it could absorb liquids without his having to leave the Senate chamber for the bathroom—and lose his right to continue speaking."	Also #6, which states "Thurmond also had visited the Senate steam room to get liquids out of his body so that if he drank during the filibuster, he would not have to go to the bathroom."
31	Crespino (2012)	117	[31]	It has also been rumored within the African American community that Thurmond used other methods to avoid leaving for the restroom. The Chicago Defender stated that Thurmond had worn "a contraption devised for long motoring trips" that allowed him to relieve himself on the stand, and longtime Capitol Hill staffer Bertie Bowman claimed in his memoir that Thurmond had been fitted with a catheter.	"A rival account, which white journalists either ignored or were unaware of, circulated in the African American community. The Chicago Defender reported that Thurmond had actually been fitted 'with a contraption devised for long motoring trips.' A memoir published by Bertie Bowman, a native South Carolinian and longtime African American employee on Capitol Hill, seems to confirm this..."	Also #19, which states "An African American Capitol employee named Bertie Bowman claimed in his memoirs that the senator had, in fact, been fitted with a catheter tube"
				He [Crespino] further states that the filibuster was a way for Thurmond to uphold Southern ideas about white strength and endurance while also burnishing his personal image of masculinity and health.	"The steam room explanation exaggerated Thurmond's physical prowess, and Thurmond's filibuster became a key event in his self-fashioned cult of masculinity... The steam room story burnished Thurmond's image of exceptional virility and masculine strength. Thurmond's obsession with good health and exercise was genuine, yet it was also a part of a cultivated political image. Thurmond had been eyeing Wayne Morse's filibuster record for some years, waiting for the right time to try to break it, intent on making a display of his physical strength and commitment to defending segregation. In doing so, he drew on deeply held racialized and gendered notions about how strong, responsible white men were supposed to behave."
32	National Public Radio	—	[32]	Thurmond was allowed to leave for the restroom one time, approximately three hours into the filibuster. Senator Barry Goldwater quietly asked Thurmond how much longer he could hold off using the restroom, to which he replied, "about another hour". Goldwater asked Thurmond to yield the floor to him for a few minutes, and Thurmond was able to use the restroom while Goldwater made an insertion to the Congressional Record.	"And Time magazine wrote shortly after the filibuster that after Thurmond had been speaking for about three hours: 'Arizona Republican Barry Goldwater approached Thurmond's desk, asked in a whisper how much longer Strom would last. Back came the answer: 'About another hour.'' Goldwater asked that Thurmond temporarily yield the floor to him for an insertion in the Congressional Record. Thurmond happily consented — and used the few minute interim to head for the bathroom (for the only time during his speech)."
				An aide had prepared a bucket in the Senate cloakroom for Thurmond to relieve himself if the need arose, but Thurmond did not end up using it.	"If Thurmond had needed to relieve himself again, the Village Voice says his staff had come up with a solution: 'Aides tried to avoid defeat by the toilet by setting up a bucket in the cloakroom where Thurmond could pee, keeping one foot on the Senate floor while doing so.'"
33	Bass & Thompson (2005)	26, 170	p26p170		p26: "His [Thurmond's] key aide Harry Dent..." p170: "Dent had arranged to have to have a bucket placed in the Senate cloakroom in case the senator needed to relieve himself, an arrangement that would allow him to keep one foot inside the Senate chamber and thus not break the rules. Thurmond needed no such relief."	Page 26 is included in the cite just to clarify that "Dent" was indeed one of Thurmond's aides.
34	Lachicotte (1966)	137	[33]	Thurmond's health had become an item of concern by the evening of the 29th among his aides and the Senate doctor George W. Calver, who threatened to personally remove him from the floor if senatorial staff could not convince Thurmond to end his speech.	"He [Thurmond] could have gone on longer, but Dr. George W. Calver, Senate physician, entered the chamber between eight and nine o'clock. He told Thurmond staffmen the Senator would injure his health if he continued and to get him off the floor. If the staff could not stop the legislator, 'I'll take him off the floor myself', Dr. Calver stated firmly."	Also #23, which states "By late afternoon, Dent was deeply concerned about Thurmond's health.... Dent went back to the floor with explicit directions from the physician: "You tell him to get off his feet or I'm going to take him off his feet"
35	Cohodas (1993)	295-296	[34]	Senator Paul Douglas of Illinois brought Thurmond a pitcher of orange juice as noon approached on the 29th, but a staffer quickly put it out of his reach after Thurmond had drunk a glass to reduce the likelihood of him needing to leave for a restroom.	"Shortly after 11:00 A.M. Senator Paul Douglas, a Democrat from Illinois, came to the floor with a large pitcher of orange juice, poured a glass and gave it to Thurmond, who drank it with a gusto. Dent, realizing that too much liquid could force the senator to the rest room, quickly grabbed the pitcher and put it on the floor out of his reach."
36	Lachicotte (1966)	139	[35]	and was signed into law by president Dwight D. Eisenhower less than two weeks later. The Civil Rights Act of 1957 was the first U.S. civil rights bill passed in 82 years.	"It was the first civil rights bill in eighty-two years..."	Also #2, which states "On September 9, 1957, President Eisenhower signed P.L. 85–315. The resulting law—the first significant measure to address African-American civil rights since 1875..."
37	Crespino (2012)	103	[36]	In his biography of Thurmond titled Strom Thurmond's America, Crespino noted the impact of Thurmond's filibuster and partial authorship of the Southern Manifesto the previous year. He described these events as "[sealing] Thurmond's reputation as one of the South's last Confederates, a champion of white southerners' campaign of 'massive resistance'" to civil rights.	"...provides critical context for understanding his most memorable actions from these years: his instigation and authorship of the Southern Manifesto and his record 1957 filibuster. In the national press and for the rest of his career, these actions sealed Thurmond's reputation as one of the South's last Confederates, a champion of white southerners' campaign of 'massive resistance'."
38	Crespino (2012)	116	[37]	Thurmond received significant criticism, even from Democrats including Talmadge, Russell, and the Southern Caucus as a whole. Talmadge referred to the speech as a form of grandstanding, and Russell denounced it as "personal political aggrandizement."	"It was grandstanding of the worst sort, said Georgia's Talmadge, a distant cousin of Thurmond's who knew something about segregationist grandstanding. Richard Russell denounced Thurmond in one of the most impassioned speeches of his long Senate career, calling Thurmond's performance an act of 'personal political aggrandizement' and touting the caucus's success in preserving segregation."
39	Cohodas (1993)	297	[38]	These senators had received numerous telegrams during Thurmond's speech encouraging them to assist Thurmond in his filibuster by relieving him, while Thurmond's staff received correspondence from hundreds of Southerners congratulating and encouraging him.	"Indeed, Thurmond's office had received hundreds of calls and telegrams from southerners congratulating him on his stand"	Also #22, which states "All of the other southern senators had received sulfurous telegrams through the night urging them to join Thurmond's fight."
				Most Southern Democratic senators opposed the filibuster, despite its popularity among their constituents, because (as Richard Russell put it) the South had already secured a compromise in the bill which would be jeopardized by a filibuster and there was not enough support to prevent a cloture vote anyway.	"The day after the vote Russel felt he had to offer the South an explanation of why he and other southerners did not join Thurmond's one-man campaign. Indeed, Thurmond's office had received hundreds of calls and telegrams from southerners congratulating him on his stand. Frankly, Russel said, there were not enough votes to prevent choking of a full-fledged filibuster if they had tried one. Furthermore, the strategy might have prompted the other side to scuttle the compromise..."
40	National Constitution Center	—	[39]	In 1964, Thurmond was involved in a second anti-civil rights filibuster against the Civil Rights Act of 1964.	"Committed to the [1964] filibuster effort were the powerful Senators Richard Russell, Strom Thurmond, Robert Byrd, William Fulbright, and Sam Ervin. Russell started the filibuster in late March 1964, and it would last for 60 working days in the Senate."
41	United States Senate	—	[40]	Later that year [1964], he switched his affiliation to the Republican Party.	"Democrat, 1956-1964 Republican, 1964-2003" "Thurmond met with the Democratic Conference from his arrival in the Senate, although he made clear that his election in 1954 had not been aided by the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee. (In April 1956 he resigned and ran again for his seat that November as a Democrat.) He was still attending Democratic Conferences as late as August 1964, but changed to the Republican Party on September 16, 1964."
42	United States Senate	—	[41]	The 1964 filibuster was carried out by a group of Southern senators and was only ended by a cloture vote.	"...while Russell, Sam Ervin, and other civil rights opponents used the tactic of the filibuster, a ploy to delay action, to weaken or block passage of the bill." "For weeks, the filibuster continued as the bill’s proponents and opponents expressed their views, often in spirited “colloquies,” or pro and con exchanges, designed to sway public opinion.... Humphrey encouraged patience and appealed to the one man who could deliver the votes they needed, first to invoke cloture, and then for final passage of the bill: Everett Dirksen of Illinois, the Senate minority leader."
43	Howard University	—	[42]	Thurmond was repeatedly elected and served in the Senate for 48 years, retiring at age 100 as the oldest U.S. senator ever.	"He remains the oldest serving member in the history of the United States Senate and prior to November, 2010 was the only member to have been elected as a write-in candidate. The length of his senatorial career, which spanned 48 years, has continued to intrigue people..."
44	United States Senate	—	[43]		"In 1954 Thurmond won election to the Senate as a write-in candidate, but he pledged to resign in 1956 to allow for a full election process. Carrying out that pledge, Thurmond was again elected in 1956. He took the oath of office again on November 7, 1956, and continued to serve until his retirement on January 3, 2003.... He turned 100 years old in 2002, the only senator to reach that milestone while still in office."