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Kerinci
Kerinci
baso Kincai
Native to	Indonesia
Region	Kerinci Highlands, Sumatra
Native speakers	290,000 (2000 census)
Language family	Austronesian Malayo-Polynesian Malayic Kerinci; ; ;
Writing system	Rencong (Incung), Latin
Language codes
ISO 639-3	kvr
Glottolog	keri1250

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Kerinci (baso Kincai) is a Malayic language or dialect group spoken in the western highlands of Jambi Province, Indonesia, mainly within the Kerinci Regency and the city of Sungai Penuh.^[2]

Dialects[edit]

Kerinci has a high dialectal diversity, although the total number of distinct dialects is still unclear. It is sometimes assumed that every village in Kerinci has its own distinct dialect. These dialects are mainly distinguished by the shape of their root words' final rimes, as can be seen in the following table, which lists dialects spoken in the vicinity of Sungai Penuh town (Standard Malay equivalents are included for comparison):^[3]^[a]

1. Dialectal variation in Kerinci^[4]^[b]
Standard Malay	Pondok Tinggi	Koto Renah	Koto Keras	Sungai Penuh	Dusun Baru	Rawang	Sungai Deras	Tanjung Pauh Mudik
gəlas 'glass'	gəloah gəleh	gəloʌh gəleh	gəlɔh gəleh	gəlɛh gəlɛyh	gəloah gəlɛh	gəlaoh gəlɛh	gəlouh gəleyh	glih glɨyh
duri 'thorn'	duhoi duhi	duhui duhi	duhu duhi	duhoi duhi	duhui duhi	duhiw duhɛw	duhuh duhi	duhʌe duhɨy
batu 'stone'	bateu batu	bati batu	batiu batu	batew batu	batiu batu	batɛw batiw	bati batu	batəo batɨw

Unless noted otherwise, the speech variety described in this article is that of Pondok Tinggi, as researched by Ernanda (2017).

Phonology[edit]

Phonemes[edit]

The Pondok Tinggi dialect of Kerinci has 19 consonants and 6 vowels.^[5]

2. Pondok Tinggi consonants^[5]
		Labial	Alveolar	Palatal	Velar	Glottal
Plosive	voiceless	p	t	c	k	ʔ
Plosive	voiced	b	d	ɟ	ɡ
Nasal		m	n	ɲ	ŋ
Fricative			s			h
Lateral			l
Trill			r
Approximant		w		j

3. Pondok Tinggi vowels^[5]
	Front	Central	Back
Close	i		u
Mid	e	ə	o
Open		a

Kerinci has a rich inventory of diphthongs—that is, sequences of vowels occurring in the same syllable.^[6] Ernanda lists a total of 12 diphthongs for the Pondok Tinggi dialect, given in the table below.^[7]

4. Pondok Tinggi diphthongs^[8]
Closing	ei	oi	eu	ou
Closing	ai	ae	ao	au
Opening	ia	ea	oa	ua

Morphophonology[edit]

Within a word, the presence of a voiced obstruent (/b/, /d/, /ɟ/, or /ɡ/) that is not preceded by a homorganic nasal consonant alter its final rime. Words with a non-prenasalized voiced obstruent are labeled "G-words", while those that do not have such obstruent are called "K-words". This distinction is apparent in words that historically share the same final rimes, such as shown in the table below.^[9]

5. K-words and G-words^[10]
Historical rimes	K-words	G-words
*-i	kakai kakei 'leg'	dakoi daki 'to climb'
*-u	malau malou 'shy'	buleu bulu 'fur'
*-ah	pindah pindoh 'to move'	gunduah gundoh 'depressed'

As can also be seen from the examples given in the table above, the final vowel rimes in Pondok Tinggi G-words are generally higher than those in K-words.^[11] The historical *-i corresponds to modern Pondok Tinggi -ai/-ei in K-words and -oi/-i in G-words, while historical *-u corresponds to -au/-ou in K-words and -eu/-u in G-words. The word pindah/pindoh, while having a voiced obstruent, is not counted as a G-word since the obstruent is preceded by a homorganic nasal. The word gunduah/gundoh, on the other hand, has another voiced obstruent that is not part of a homorganic nasal-obstruent sequence, so it still undergoes the change associated with a G-word.^[10]

This process is still productive in modern Pondok Tinggi Kerinci. For example, if the passive prefix di- (which contains a voiced obsturent) is attached to a K-word, the word would turn into a G-word and changes its final rime. However, this change would be blocked if the initial consonant of the root is also an obstruent.^[12]

ambaiɁ/ambeiɁ

ihan/ihin

paŋkau/paŋkou

'to take'

'to accompany'

'to hold'

→

diamboiɁ/diambiɁ

diihon/diihin

dipaŋkau/dipaŋkou

'be taken'

'be alongside with s.o.'

'be held'

If a G-word loses its voiced obstruent due to prefixation, it would become a K-word and its final rime changes accordingly. This happens, for example, when the active prefix N- alters the initial obstruent of a root to a homorganic nasal.^[13]^[c]

bəŋoih/bəŋih

dakoi/daki

→

məŋaih/məŋeih

nakai/nakei

'to be angry at'

'to climb'

Grammar[edit]

Phrasal alternation[edit]

Notes[edit]

^ These dialects are spoken over a rather small area. According to Ernanda:
[...] Koto Renah (KR) is only about two kilometers from [Pondok Tinggi] (separated by a market place), Koto Keras (KK) borders on Koto Renah, with no clear boundaries between the two villages. Pondok Tinggi is separated by a market place (where Minangkabau is used) from Sungai Penuh, which is only one kilometer away. Dusun Baru (DB) is next to Sungai Penuh and only separated by a ten meter long bridge. About two kilometers north-east of Sungai Penuh is Rawang (RW), and Sungai Deras (SD) is about four kilometers east of Rawang. Tanjung Pauh Mudik (TPM) is about 7 kilometers south of Pondok Tinggi.
— Ernanda (2017)^[3]
^ Each of the Malay words in the table corresponds to two Kerinci forms: the absolute and oblique forms (on their usage, see #Phrasal alternation). Whenever two Kerinci forms are mentioned side by side in this article, the first or the upper form is always the absolute one.
^ Following the usual practice in Malay linguistics, both the root forms and the prefixed active forms are glossed as infinitives.^[14]

References[edit]

^ Kerinci at Ethnologue (18th ed., 2015) (subscription required)
^ Ernanda 2017, pp. 1–2.
^ ^a ^b Ernanda 2017, pp. 11–12.
^ Ernanda 2017, p. 11.
^ ^a ^b ^c Ernanda 2017, p. 15.
^ Ernanda 2017, pp. 26, 44.
^ Ernanda 2017, pp. 15, 44.
^ Ernanda 2017, p. 44.
^ Ernanda 2017, p. 57–58.
^ ^a ^b Ernanda 2017, p. 58.
^ Ernanda 2017, p. 59.
^ Ernanda 2017, p. 60–62.
^ Ernanda 2017, pp. 64, 174–176.
^ Ernanda 2017, p. 175.

Bibliography[edit]

Ernanda (2017). Phrasal Alternation in Kerinci (PhD dissertation). Leiden: Universiteit Leiden. hdl:1887/49206.
McKinnon, Timothy; Cole, Peter; Hermon, Gabriella (2011). "Object Agreement and 'Pro-Drop' in Kerinci Malay". Language. 87 (4). Linguistic Society of America: 715–750. doi:10.1353/lan.2011.0092. S2CID 144479579.
Prentice, David J.; Usman, Amir Hakim (1978). "Kerinci Sound-Changes and Phonotactics". In Wurm, S.A.; Carrington, L. (eds.). Second International Conference on Austronesian Linguistics: Proceedings. Pacific Linguistics. Vol. C61. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics, Australian National University. pp. 121–163. doi:10.15144/PL-C61.121.
Steinhauer, Hein (2002). "More (on) Kerinci Sound-Changes" (PDF). In K. Alexander Adelaar; Robert Blust (eds.). Between Worlds: Linguistic Papers in Memory of David John Prentice. Pacific Linguistics. Vol. 529. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics, Australian National University. pp. 149–176.
Steinhauer, Hein (2018). "Sound-Changes and Loanwords in Sungai Penuh Kerinci". Wacana: Journal of the Humanities of Indonesia. 19 (2): 375–407. doi:10.17510/wacana.v19i2.708. S2CID 135209683.
Steinhauer, Hein; Usman, Amir Hakim (1978). "Notes on the Morphemics of Kerinci (Sumatra)". In Wurm, S.A.; Carrington, L. (eds.). Second International Conference on Austronesian Linguistics: Proceedings. Pacific Linguistics. Vol. C61. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University. pp. 483–502. doi:10.15144/PL-C61.483.
Yanti; Mckinnon, Timothy; Cole, Peter; Hermon, Gabriella (2018). "The Phonological Basis of Syntactic Change in Kerinci". Oceanic Linguistics. 57 (2). University of Hawai'i Press: 433–483. doi:10.1353/ol.2018.0018. S2CID 149686433.