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Amhara genocide
Funeral services for the victims of mass murders in the city of Maikadra[1]
Native name የዐማራው የዘር መጥፋት ጭፍጨፋ በኢትዮጵያ
Date1990–present
TimeOngoing
DurationOver three decades
LocationEthiopia
TypeEthnic federalism and restructuring
  • Annexation
  • Self determination
  • Ethnically motivated mass violence
  • Northern Ethiopia war
MotiveAnti-Amhara sentiment, anti-Orothodox sentiment, ethnic federalism, ethnic cleansing
Participants
  • Oromo OLF-OLA, Shene, Oneg and Qeerroo youth groups
  • Tigray TPLF, TDF and Samri youth groups
  • Gumuz extremist, others in SNNPR
  • Alleged state collaborators
Outcome
  • Genocide
  • Series of massacres
  • 2 million+ could not be traced: fatalities and enforced disappearances part of this figure[2][3]
  • 11 million+ war attack survivors with critical need, 2 million+ displaced[4][5]
  • Genocidal rape, Weaponized SGBV, Induced infertility
  • Abduction and enslavement
  • Destruction of many villages, towns, cities, harvest, farm animals

The Amhara genocide is an ongoing systematic massacre of ethnic Amhara and Agew people in Ethiopia since 1990.[3][6] Large-scale killings and grave human rights violations followed the implementation of the ethnic-federalist system in the country.[7][8] In most of the cases, the mass murders were silent with perpetrators from various ethno-militant groups- from Tigray TPLF or TDF,[9] Oromo OLF–OLA,[10] which are also known as Sene/Shane (ሸኔ),[11] Oneg (ኦነግ),[12][13] and the Gumuz[14][15] armed groups.[16][17] Ethnically motivated attacks[18][19] against the Amhara have been reported,[20][21] with mass graves continuously discovered in various locations.[22] Many from the victim side stated that attempts to investigate and to uncovering data expose them to various forms of persecution.[23][24][25] However, the results of two consecutive National Census Analyses[26] and a report by the State revealed that over 2 million Amhara could not be traced. The figure reflects the decades-long massacres and enforced disappearances of the Amhara people.[2][3] From the ongoing nature of the violence,[27][20][28] the actual number is expected to be higher.[29][24][25]

A report by the CIA, describes the Liberation Front groups that were formed in March 1975 as insurgents committed to independence from the central Ethiopian government- with the TPLF seeking Tigray autonomy or hegemony.[30] The TPLF-designed Manifesto[31][32] is criticized for incorporating polarizing contents that symbolize the Amhara people as the responsible ethnic group for socio-economical, and country-level political and historical issues.[33][34] Cases of previous resentments between ethnic Tigrean and Amhara rulers were described as rivalries for control of the country, seeking recognition as the legitimate defender of Ethiopian culture, and Christian Orthodoxy. This one-religion, generalizing characterization of both groups is considered a narrative that contradicts historical records.[35][36]

Even if the genocidal murder against Amhara's elites, including the internationally renowned diplomats were systematically started since 1975 by the Military Junta called Dergue,[37] the mass violence against ordinary Amhara, its intellectuals, and civic leaders started in 1990 with the armed groups occupying many parts of the country.[38][39] At the end of the 17 years communist era in 1991, the ethno-nationalist groups controlled full power.[40] The scale and frequency of attacks intensified after this major regime change.[41][42] The Tigray TPLF groups became the dominant-minority leader[43][44] and ruled the country for twenty-seven years as the EPRDF coalition- a political entity that evolved from the Marxist–Leninist rebels movement. However, the regime collapsed in 2018 with a year-long mass protests, a series of unrests, and election- and administration-related tensions built during its period.[45]

Following the 2018 EPRDF political reform, the Oromo-dominated Prosperity Party secured the position to rule the country,[46] with the exclusion of TPLF.[47] This power conflict led to the November 2020 Tigray War that lasted for about 9 months with alleged atrocities in the region. Reports revealed that the Tigray Samri youth groups massacred the Amhara in the TPLF-annexed town of Mai-Kadra.[48][49] After the withdrawal of government forces from Tigray, the TPLF or TDF forces invaded Amhara and Afar regions in June 2021,[50][51][52] massacring and causing severe destructions that are reported as serious war crimes against civilians.[53][54] The regime change and events of the war expanded the map and volume of the Amhara mass killings in various places: Oromia, Benishangul-Gumuz & Metekel, Tigray, the southern SNNPR, and the Amhara regions.[55][26]

Background[edit]

The Amhara and Agew people coexisted for centuries sharing historical and cultural values. Similar to other nationals, both groups contributed to building the Nation and to the long historical accounts- they live in most parts of Ethiopia.[56][57] Since agriculture is the main source of food in the country, Amhara and Agew farmers earn income from producing staples. Due to the frequent drought occurrence, they are, however, stricken by poverty- more than 80 percent of them are traditional farmers.[58][59][60] In some instances, these groups are mis-presented as Orthodox Christians, although, significant proportion of them are Muslims and Jews.[61][36]

Both groups have been exposed to similar existential risks- including the systematic massacres and crimes disclosed in this article. However, the genocide against the Agew people requires an independent report.

The controversial section in the 1994 constitution,[7] ethnic self-determination to secede from the nation,[62] is described by experts as the root cause of ethnic-based violence in the country.[63][8][64] Witness statements disclosed that the perpetrators were generally organized, in some cases they can be identified by the victims, and in others, the attackers were unknown to them. The actors demonstrated mixed motives: ethnic origin (Christian, Muslim and Jews), religious origin (Orthodox Christians), or both. The majority of the armed groups mobilize from region to region with alleged collaboration with local government officials.[18][65]

  • The Oromo OLF-OLA perpetrators are also known as Shane or Shene or Oneg. The Qeerroo or Querro youth groups are also accused of collaborating with these groups.[66][67]
  • The Tigray TPLF or TDF and Samri youth groups in the annexed, and various places in Amhara region[68]
  • The Gumuz extremist of the Benishangul-gumuz & Metekel region[69][70]
  • Various actors carried out attacks in the Southern SNNPR region and other places[71][72]

Timeline and phases[edit]

The Amhara genocidal process can be classified into four phases:

  1. The Pre-1991 rebels movement can be characterized as a phase of Manifesto preparation that influenced the ethnic federalist constitution, with campaigns, reprisal, and guerrilla wars
  2. The launch of massacres across many regions under the Tigray, TPLF-dominated ruling, between 1991 and 2018
  3. The scaled-up simultaneous mass killings in many regions under the Oromo-dominated Prosperity Party ruling began in 2018, and
  4. Expansion of Amhara mass killings with the Northern Ethiopia war since November 2020

Phase 1. The manifesto rhetoric and historical accounts[edit]

There are over eighty ethnic groups in Ethiopia that have been living together through history. In the 1970s the ethno-nationalist insurgents were created under the TPLF leadership with Marxist–Leninist manifesto seeking Autonomy, Self-Rule, and for some, Hegemony.[73][30] The groups were TPLF (Tigray People's Liberation Front), OLF-OLA (Oromo Liberation Front and Oromo Liberation Army), EPLF (Eritrean People's Liberation Front), and WSLF (Western Somalia Liberation Front).[39] The doctrine consists of anti-Amhara rhetoric that portrays the group as the all-time-sole-ruler.[74][64][34] However, the divisive narratives are disapproved by most and taken as the political mechanism used to introduce ethnic sensitivities.[36] For leadership in the southeastern and southwestern parts of Ethiopia, history reflects that those with Oromo or the assimilated Oromized backgrounds exercised ruling outside of their traditional jurisdictions including in the partial northcentral part of the country where most Amhara and others lived.[75] Records show that the era of Zemene Mesafint and onwards central governance was diverse.[76] The aggression of the Oromo that followed the Islamic invasions in the 16th century and subsequent Oromo settlements[77] to central Ethiopia brought some changes to parts of the historical jurisdictions occupied by others- renaming of lands and rivalry. The documented Oromo assimilation and expansion mechanisms involve "Mogassa and Gudifecha,[78][79][80] typically described by the member of the group as methods of adopting other ethnic groups. The assimilating process involves the unbreakable oath: to hate what the group hate; to like what the group like; to fight what the group fight; to go where the group goes; to chase what the group chases.[77][80]

There are over fifty six ethnic constituents who have been living in the southern regions. The groups practice ancient customs to elect their leaders and generally maintained traditions. Historians recorded exceptional cases in which several tribes were assimilated into the Oromo group.[81][80] In general terms, natural ethnic tensions and ruling rivalries occurred in the country throughout history. However, the complex groups developed traditional approaches to coexisting. Despite ethnic differences, intermarriages and collaborative customs between the various groups have been practiced in most instances. Reports show that these constituents united when external threats were projected against the country.[82][36][83]

Phase 2. TPLF ruling and Article 39[edit]

In 1991, the TPLF-dominated ruling was established as the EPRDF coalition with a new constitution and subsequent regional demarcations.[40][84] The controversial Article 39, Nations, Nationalist, and People Self-determination is the part of the constitution and grants rights for any ethnic group to secede and form a Nation.[7][62] During this phase, polarizing contents were thought of in schools and promoted through the system.[44][8][64]

Annexations[edit]

The Greater Tigray autonomy[44][30][84] that was designed by the TPLF involved the annexation of lands from neighboring Amhara provinces: Gonder and Bethe-Amhara Wollo, with a coastal possession strategy from Eritrea.[85][86] Immediately after TPLF secured governmental power in 1991,[26] the Raya-Alamata[87] and Welkait[88][89][90] Amhara lands were annexed into the Tigray region. These lands have been ruled as southern and western parts of Tigray for three decades. Following the November 2020 Northern Ethiopia war, the Amhara fought to regain access to these historical lands- with reported tension in these area. Metekel is also another strategic land from the point of view of accessing the Nile river and annexed to the Benishangul-Gumuz region from Gojjam, Amhara.[91][92] Similarly, the Dera and surrounding lands in Shewa, Amhara region are also forcefully administered under the Oromia region following the Oromo-dominated ruling since 2018.[93][94] These annexations are protested by the Amhara and described as systematic measures taken for accessing various resources in the Amhara region. One instance is the Tana Beles national project which incorporated the Lake Tana, and Beles rivers of the Nile- both in the Amhara region. In addition, the GERD became the largest Nile hydroelectric project with significant geopolitical influence on the Horn of Africa.[95][96] With the ongoing large-scale mass violence against the Amhara and Agew who live in the annexed regions, many expressed grave concerns about the lack of political and economic representations and fear for their security.[97][98][99]

Massacres and crackdowns[edit]

The twenty-seven years long Tigray TPLF ruling[44] has been characterized as a repressive system[100] with many forms of massacres, disappearances, and systematic destructive measures taken against the Amhara, and other resisting groups. Reports showed that mass killings of the Amhara started in the Assosa zone of the Benishangul-Gumuz & Metekel region in 1990.[101] After the 1991 power control by the TPLF and insurgents, mass violence and crackdowns on Amhara intellectuals and its public figures launched. A political opponent who was also a medical professor and surgeon, Asrat Woldeyes was imprisoned and abused along with other members of the All Amhara People Organization (AAPO) civic group.[102][103][104] The cause of the elderly doctor Asrat's death is associated with the lack of timely medical treatment following the abuse that he endured during and after his imprisonments.[105][106] TPLF ruled the country for nearly three decades with multiple rigged elections[107][108] that led to mass violence and killings of innocent people in Addis Ababa, abuses, and torture against journalists and public figures in various regions, including in the Amhara region.[109] See Massacres by region, for locations of Amhara massacres in various regions.

Phase 3. Transition to the Oromo-dominated Prosperity Party[edit]

Reports showed that many hoped for peace when the TPLF-dominated regime was replaced with a new Prime minister, Abiy Ahmed Ali, who was also the 2019 Nobel Peace prize awardee. He came to power[110] from the Oromo Democratic Party (ODP)- that he has been serving as the chairman. Many of the expressed concerns over his administration[111] include domination of Oromo-based power in his council and ministerial circles, with fear of repressive ruling as in the case of the twenty seven years TPLF's apartheid-type regime.[112][113][44]

State incitements[edit]

Oromia reportedly became one of the hostile regions for the Amhara to live in, since the ethno-nationalist insurgents took power in 1991. Aby's governmental decision to bring back the exiled and fully armed OLF-OLA rebels [114][115][116] and controversial diaspora activists was condemned for lack of disarming measures and for subsequent widespread hate speeches against the Amhara.[117][111] This event led to the parallel Amhara mass killings in various locations.[118][119] The OLF-OLA groups carried out similar massacres in the 1990s.[120] In addition, the polarizing and open remarks made at a large Oromo public gathering by the Oromia President, Mr. Shimelis Abdissa heavily criticized. His speech, "We broke the Neftegna or Amhara" was broadcast on national television.[121][122] Such incitements are believed to be the reasons for the launch of waves of violence against Amhara in many regions, with no obvious punitive measures and the lack of formal acknowledgments from officials.[123][118][119]

The Burayu and Shashemene massacres[edit]

These are selected cases from the series of Amhara mass murders in various regions- see Massacres by region for locations of crimes across Ethiopia. The Burayu massacre occurred on the outskirt of Addis Ababa in September 2018. The Oromo Querro youth groups reportedly carried out the mass violence against non-Oromo residents from the Dorzes, Gamos, and other ethnicities including the Amhara. This was one of the first violence that occurred after Abiy took power.[124][125] Reports show that the perpetrators demonstrated mixed motives- ethnic origin, religious origin, or both. For the 2019 Shashemene massacre in Oromia, witness statements revealed that the attacking mobs were coordinated. Primarily the Amhara,[126][127] and Orthodox Christians from other ethnic groups- from Guraghe, Wolayita, Tigre, Oromo, and others were murdered in this violence.[128][129] Due to these mass killings, Christian religious leaders were abused and killed, churches turned to ashes, and treasures and literary works were destroyed.[130] Similar heinous acts were orchestrated in many regions by the various perpetrators. Statements disclosed that the killers demanded conversion to Islam when executing Orthodox Christians from Amhara.[129] The mass violence started, following the assassination of an Oromo singer, Hachalu Hundessa,[131] however, the ethnic origin of the shooter was not disclosed at the time of the attack. As a result of this mass violence, over 200 people were massacred by armed Oromo groups with no clear punitive measures.[132] The government accused the OLF-OLA rebels of these massacres.[133]

Abductions and series of massacres[edit]

Another mass murder occurred in Oromia when a controversial political elite, Jawar Mohammed, made a social media call to his supporters, complaining government's decision to remove the personal guards assigned to him.[134] Following his call at night, organized Oromo actors came out and reportedly massacred Amhara- at least 86 people were killed.[118][119] In parallel to the mass killings in Oromia,[135] the abduction of 17 University Amhara students in 2019 by the OLF-OLA armed groups from Dembi Dolo University, and in other places were also reported. The families of these girls communicated that their children never returned.[136] As of May 2022, this case is open with no obvious action from officials. Other forms of abductions include- Amhara kidnapping in Wollega, Oromia, and other OLF-OLA targeted parts of the Amhara region.[137] In addition, a series of mass killings and displacements of Amhara,[138] Agew, and other groups, have been reported in the Benishangul-gumuz & Metekel, and the Southern SNNP regions.[139] These are selected cases from the series of Amhara mass murders in various regions- see Massacres by region for locations of crimes across Ethiopia.

The Ataye massacre[edit]

Multiple attacks have been launched by the OLF-OLA groups with aggression into the Amhara Region in Northern Shewa- in Efratana Gidim, and Kewet Weredas. The attacks included door-to-door mass executions in Ataye, Shewarobit, Jebwuha, Senbete, Majete, Molale, and the surrounding villages.[140] Ataye was once a vibrant Amhara business and a tourist town before the series of attacks carried out in 2020. The three consecutive mass violence within a short time reportedly ruined the majority of the city.[141][142][143]

Ataye was in the process of recovery from the destruction when the third TPLF-OLF joint attack occurred in 2021.[144][145] Similarly, Majete and the surrounding towns were reportedly pillaged frequently by the OLF-OLA groups. Witness statements revealed that perpetrators were equipped with snipers & artilleries when attacking Amhara.[146][147] Surviving IDPs reported systematic collaborations between the killers and alleged state officials. These frequent attacks in the Northern Shewa are associated with acts of expansion and ethnic cleansing.[148][149]

In April 2021 a series of demonstrations were held in the Amhara region with a lead slogan, Beka or በቃ or NoMore, asking government officials for protective measures- for the waves of Amhara massacres that occurred in many locations. In response to these events, arbitrary detention and abuses were reported.[150] These are selected cases from the series of Amhara mass murders in various regions- see Massacres by region for locations of crimes across Ethiopia.

Annexation, ethnic restructuring and violence in Addis Ababa[edit]

At the start of the 2018 Prosperity ruling, attacks in and around Addis Ababa, the Capital of Ethiopia, began with the Burayu mass killings of non-Oromo residents, which caused many to flee the area.[151] Forced removal of the Amhara,[152][153][28] property destructions, mass Oromo transfer from other areas with settlement programs,[154] frequent attacks against residents by the Oromo Querro youth,[155] police shootings, murders, and abuses of those turnout to public and religious celebrations, with plain Green-Yellow-Red tri-color cloth or items, are some of the reported violence against citizens.[156] Serious concerns have been expressed against the controversial and aggressive annexation mechanisms imposed on the Capital Addis Ababa- to annex it to the Oromia region.[153][154] Analyses indicate that the "special interest" claims[157] of the Oromo regime is tied with terms agreed upon between some ethno-nationalist groups before coming to power. Some of the actions include the enforcement of new policies and systematic administrative changes to Addis Ababa and its surrounding jurisdictions.[121] These measures have faced resistance from residents, and civil voices- the Balderas Party.[158][159] Previously disclosed annexations following the 1994 TPLF regional demarcation included forceful integrations of Welkait [88][89][90] and Raya-Alamata[87] to Tigray, the Metekel land to Benishangul-Gumuz,[91][92] and the Amhara land in Shewa, also known as Dera, to the Oromia region.[93][94]

Phase 4. The Northern Ethiopia War: Invasions to Amhara and Afar[edit]

Reports show that the scale of Amhara mass murders in the high-risk Oromia and Benishangul-Gumuz & Metekel regions intensified with the parallel Northern Ethiopia war that began in November 2020. At the beginning of the war, the Tigray Samri youth attackers reportedly executed between 600 and 1500 Amhara in the town of Mai-Kadra.[160][161] After 9 months of fighting in the Tigray region and following the withdrawal of government forces, the TPLF forces advanced and invaded Amhara and Afar regions in June 2021– massacring civilians in the occupied areas.[162][163] Reports uncover that villages burned down, various forms of sexual violence committed against women and children, farm animals killed, institutions and service centers ransacked, and harvests burned down.[164] Over 2 million IDPs[165][166] fled to the south but case reports showed that those who stayed behind were gang-raped at gunpoint, looted, and abused.[167] Witness accounts also exposed that Tigray rebels coerced Amhara children as frontline war shields.[168][169] The government was criticized for underestimating the Tigray forces, and announcing victory while the attacks continued in both Amhara and Afar regions.[170][171]

Strategic retreat directives[edit]

The Amhara resistance groups and those who fought against the Tigray TPLF rebels in the Amhara region stated that they were ambushed with military directives, which led the TPLF or TDF forces to advance.[172][173] Some of the accusations include Oromo extremists' infiltration into key federal military positions. Questionable commands including for fighters to retreat south, leaving weapons and armored vehicles behind, were heavily criticized.[174] In December 2021, numerous international organizations made calls to their citizens for urgent evacuation from Ethiopia, while the TPLF rebels moved towards Addis Ababa.[175] In Bethe-Amhara Wollo, Northern Shewa, and Afar regions, the Tigray TPLF and the Oromo OLF-OLA armed militants carried out joint mass attacks against Afar and Amhara people.[176] With no cost one can put on the lives of many innocent people, recovery from the brutal destructions in both regions is estimated to take years.[177]

Afar and the Southern groups[edit]

Tigray forces shelled the Afar region since June/ July 2021 to control the strategic Djibouti-Ethiopia connecting lines but faced heavy resistance.[178][50] Repeated attacks were launched against Afar pastoralists, civilians mass murdered, many have been raped, towns and villages looted, institutions ransacked, with cases of weapon-induced body burns of children.[179][180][181] Following TPLF's defeat and withdrawal, reports covered that the Tigray invaders discarded explosives in public areas- Afar children have been killed and maimed due to these acts.[182][183]

Of the eighty ethnicities in Ethiopia, the Amhara and the Oromo are the most populous groups.[184] However, most ethnic southern groups are relatively small in number, and lack representations in the political space and the military structure. Therefore, they remain at risk of silent atrocities and possible cultural genocide.[185][186][187] The Tigray minority, however, dominated government power and ruled the country for twenty-seven years from 1991 to 2018. Reportedly, TPLF committed the 2003 Gambela, the minority Anuak, and the Ogaden massacres.[188][189] With the new Oromo-dominated regime from 2018 onwards,[190] serious concerns have been expressed for the Amaro or Korre ethnic groups and other southerners[191][192] with violation of coercing the minority groups with the Oromo assimilation mechanisms.[193][194][195]

The alleged crimes against the Amhara[edit]

The three decades-long alleged crimes against the Amhara[26] are referenced in the UN Genocide Convention[196] and the ICC Rome Statute articles[54]- Articles 6, 7, and 8.[24][25][197]

I. Genocidal Acts (Article 6 of the Rome Statute)[edit]

Across many regions, ethnically motivated [18][26][198] and organized gruesome mass killings have been committed against the Amhara- causing serious bodily[199] and mental harm[72][200] using rape, sexual and gender-based violence, enforced pregnancy, and other forms of attacks.[201] Manner of killings includes dismemberment, immolation, point-blank executions, and enforced miscarriages with lacerations,[202] and creating deplorable living conditions in the annexed and outside of the Amhara region by preventing them from accessing medical treatments.[203] Other acts include the enforced removal of Amhara[144][204][205][153] through evictions,[28] burning of their homes and their harvest, and looting of farm animals with the destruction of hospitals, schools, and water sources, and necessities.[206][164][14] Additionally, witnesses reported prohibition from speaking and learning their language in the annexed and other regions.[41][207][208]

II. Crimes Against Humanity (Article 7 of the Rome Statute)[edit]

In Mai-Kadra, the Tigray militia ordered the Amhara to stay in the house before they were mass murdered and looted.[209][210] Researchers from Gondar University exhumed bodies in thousands in Welkait where the Amhara were annexed for over twenty-seven years by the Tigray TPLF forces.[211] Additional mass graves of the Amhara exist in various regions and awaiting exhumation. In many of the places, survivor statements revealed that perpetrators were organized and brought name lists when carrying out door-to-door executions.[212][18][213] In most of the violence, ethnic Amhara have been separated from other groups and executed- both Muslims and Christians were murdered and buried together against their religious practices.[214][18] In other cases, the perpetrators targeted Orthodox Christians.[129][215] The Amhara are victims of abduction, enforced removal[216][217][28] & disappearance,[137] detention, torture, enslavement, and blockades.[20][218][219][220] Rape, sexual violence, and enforced pregnancy & targeted infertility sterilization cases are also reported.[221] Deplorable living conditions were created against the group causing preventable death by exposing them to high-risk infectious environments and denying malaria treatments and other critical medical care.[222][41][207] Other systematic oppressions such as persecution, physical and mental abuses with arbitrary imprisonments are reported.[223]

III. War Crimes (Article 8 of the Rome Statute)[edit]

In addition to the Mai-Kadra massacre, Tigray forces invaded Amhara and executed civilians since June 2021.[224] AAA reports disclose that women and children were gang-raped at gunpoint,[225] with cases accompanied by sadistic acts, physical abuse and torture, and verbal abuse or dehumanization including regular use of ethnic slurs and humiliation which inflicted irreparable physical and psychological trauma on survivors. Numerous victims died as a result of this specific violence. In addition, civilian properties were pillaged, and schools and health facilities, villages, towns, cities, farm animals, harvests, and religious institutions were ransacked.[226] Witness accounts also exposed Tigray rebels for coercing Amhara children as frontline war shields.[168][169] The Oromo OLF-OLA armed groups created an alliance with the Tigray TPLF rebels and pillaged many towns. The attacks caused the displacement[204][144] of millions of Amhara, Agew, and Afar people with over 11 million Amhara seeking urgent needs.[227][228][229] Mass graves of the victims were discovered and exhumed in many shelled towns and villages.[230]

Massacres by region[edit]

The Table covers most locations of the mass violence against the Amhara people in Ethiopia. Due to the scale and the dynamic nature of the massacre, the list requires updating.

Region or Province Zone, District, or County
Oromia, Hararghe and Western Shewa Wollega:[114][231] East Wollega,[232] West Wollega,[233] Horo Gudru,[234][235] Kelem[236][237]

East Hararghe:[238] Gelemso, Anchar, Daro Lebu, Wefi Dance and others[41]

West Hararghe:[41] Gara Muleta, Asebot Monastery, Gelemso, Bedeno, Weter and others[41]

Dire Dawa[239]

Arusi or Arsi:[41][240][120] Shashemene,[241] Arba Gugu and others[41]

Bale[41]

Jimma[41]

Ambo and its surroundings[41]

Benishangul-Gumuz Assosa

Metekel

Kamashi[41][242]

Annexed-lands in Tigray Welkait: Mai-Kadra and others[243]
Amhara: War-related and other situations North Shewa: Efratana Gidim, Kewet, Antsokiya Gemzu, and others[244]

Gonder: Gonder city, North and South Gonder [245]

Gojjam: Bahir Dar city and others[246]

  • "Genocide Committed against the Amara (Amhara) in Ethiopia, specifically the Benishangul-Gumuz Regional State, Metekel Zone, Special Report on Genocide against the Amara (Amhara)" (PDF). Moresh Wegenie Amara Organization. 18 August 2015. Retrieved 12 May 2022.

Bethe-Amhara Wollo: North and South Wollo[247] [248]

Southern SNNPR Gura Ferda: Bench–Sheko and others[41]
Others Gambela[41]

Somali[41]

National and international reactions[edit]

Reports of the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission are generally taken as credible with some questions of independence.[249][250] On the other hand, the state-owned media are criticized for selectively covering atrocities of the Tigray forces while excluding the massacres carried out by the Oromo and Gumuz perpetrators.[251][252][253] Other independent voices that expose the mass violence by all perpetrator groups are frequently arrested and persecuted.[20][23]

In previous cases, general coverages were given by international groups on the 1990s OLA-OLF atrocities against the Amhara people in Arba Gugu, Harer, and across the Oromia region.[254][255] However, recent situations received generally low coverage and inadequate preventative campaigns with delayed responses for Amhara, Agew, and Afar IDP cases.[204][256] Related to the Northern Ethiopia war, major international media and rights groups were expelled from the country. Government accusations include disinformation and misleading social media propaganda.[257][258] In addition, war and other reports of the Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch groups have been criticized for quality and reportedly biased statements released in favor of the Tigray rebels.[259][260] In some cases, international reports with unverified information were released.[261][262]

In another case, social media censorship and account suspensions with organized reporting brought challenges to several activists. However, similar platforms were abused for hate incitements.[263] One of the 2019 mass killings of the Amhara in the Oromia region was triggered after a social media call made by an Oromo activist, Jawar Mohammed. Following his post at night, organized actors stormed out and reportedly murdered at least 86 people, mostly Amhara.[134][118]

The NoMore campaign[edit]

In April 2021, the Amhara human rights demonstrations took place in the region using a social movement slogan, Beka or በቃ or NoMore.[264] In late 2021, the same slogan has been used by Pan-African activists to campaign against Western measures on the ruling Prosperity Party- protesting the HR 6600[265] and other United States resolutions and bills.[266][267] However, the victim side criticized the movement as a state funded, politically motivated, selective campaign that neglected the mass violence and abuses against the Amhara in the country. This movement reportedly reduced its effort following the release of high-profile Tigray TPLF or TDF, and Oromo OLF-OLA political prisoners with amnesty in January 2022– with possible peace negotiation.[268][269][270]

Amhara massacres in 2022[edit]

The Tole massacre[edit]

One of the 2022 deadliest massacres of the Amhara occurred on 18 June in the place named Tole, in Gimbi Wollega of the Oromia region. The government and witnesses accused the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA) as perpetrators but the rebels blamed government militaries. Witnesses from the area have stated that ethnic Amhara have been selected and killed like chickens– they counted over 230 bodies. They feared that the numbers could be higher since many Amhara have been abducted and could not be traced. Residents expressed serious concerns about the continuation of the attack if the Federal army leave the areas. Due to a lack of protection, the Amhara community requested assisted relocation to escape further attacks by the OLA.[271]

The OLA-OLF groups have been massacring the Amhara since the early 1990s. Due to conflict with the former EPRDF, the Tigray TPLF-led regime, they remained exiled until the Nobel Prize Awardee, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed Ali brought them back from Eritrea when he took power in 2018. These groups returned armed and were also accused of vandalizing over eighteen Banks in Oromia with no clear punitive measures from the government. Large-scale killings of the Amhara have been carried out by the same groups since then.[272]

Calls from various voices[edit]

Preventative measures and early warning efforts are expected to limit further ethnic-based destructions against targeted ethnic groups.[273][274][275] The diasporas and others in the country made calls to the rights, humanitarian, accountability, and other influential groups to take action. Although the Amhara and Agew massacres have been going on for over thirty years, many expressed that the case has not received adequate campaign and media coverage.[276][277][278] However, due to the scale and frequency of the attacks, progress has been observed in the number of reports. Despite political interest or country profile, such "marginalized" human rights cases require timely root cause assessment for the implementation of preventative measures, accountability mechanisms, and providing humanitarian needs.[279][280]

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