Draft:Alta conflict

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[PICTURE HERE]

The Alta conflict[1] or Alta controversy [Altasaken] refers to a series of protest campaigns in Norway lasting from 1979-1981, led by Sami reindeer herders against the Norwegian government's proposed construction of a hydroelectric power plant on the Alta River in Finnmark, Northern Norway.

In the 1970s(when exactly), the Norwegian Water Resources and Energy Administration (Norges vassdrags- og energidirektorat, or NVE ), with the support of the Norwegian state, made plans to flood a remote area in northern Norway that included two Sami villages.[2] This news generated unrest in the surrounding area of Alta and protests against the state and the NVE were organized by Samis of Mazi and drew both support and opposition from Norwegians in nearby towns.[2]

The local Samis were concerned that their traditional culture and vocation would be harmed if a dam destroyed their land and forced them to relocate.[2] These concerns were not shared by the Norwegian state in the 1970s and no official recognition at this point had been given to Sami language, culture, or political structures.[3] The ensuing public debates and protests of 1978-81 highlighted the incompatibility of contemporary Sami lifestyles with the resource development goals of mid-century Norway.[2] Ultimately, the dam’s construction proceeded, albeit with modifications intended to respond Sami concerns.[4] In spite of the dam's approval, the controversy is seen as a watershed moment for recognition of Sami as an Indigenous group in Norway, and a catalyst for future legislation intended to formalize and protect their rights.[4]

Background[edit]

Main articles: Sámi and Sámi history

The Sami are a Finno-Uragic people indigenous to the Sapmi cultural region, which stretches across the northernmost parts of the Fennoscandian peninsula and is intersected by the modern borders of Norway, Sweden, Finland, and Russia[5][6]. Between the 16th and 18th centuries, most Sami people transitioned from a generalized subsistence strategy of hunting, gathering and fishing to a fully nomadic economy centered around reindeer herding.[7][6] During this transitional period, Sami adapted closely to seasonal cycles of reindeer movement.[7]

Helping drive this cultural evolution was an increasing number of Nordic settlements on Sapmi territory and the resulting depletion of wild game.[7][6] By giving up hunting wild animal populations and taming reindeer instead, Sami communities ensured access to a reliable source of meat that delinked them from competition with European hunters.[8]

A Sami man with two reindeer.

Social History in Norway

As contact increased between modern Sami and Norwegian populations, an unequal power relationship developed between an increasingly centralized and bureaucratized nation-state and a semi-nomadic people.[9][10] Sami were stereotyped in Norwegian society as a poverty-stricken and intellectually inferior group, and racialized discrimination against Sami has historically been widespread throughout Scandinavia.[11] Christian missionaries were active in Sapmi territory in the middle ages. Throughout the 17th and 18th centuries, Sami were directly targeted in Christianization campaigns carried out by the then-existing Kingdom of Denmark-Norway.

Following the dissolution of the Denmark-Norway union and the creation of a Sweden-Norway union in 1814, Sami in Norway were subjected to long period of assimilationist policy, known as Norwegianization (Fornorsking), between roughly 1850 and 1980.[11] The 1850s saw the implementation of legislation intended to re-orientate Samis to Norwegian culture and farming practices, including measures that discouraged the use of Sami languages and restricted Sami access to traditional reindeer pastures.[11] Boarding schools for Sami children were created to break cultural and linguistic ties between generations.[12]

By the end of the 19th century, Sweden-Norway had formalized its right to all “ownerless lands” within Norwegian borders.[13] By claiming that the semi-nomadic nature of Sami societies disqualified them from holding title to the lands they lived upon and used for reindeer herding, the Norwegian government formally legitimized it's authority over traditional Sami lands and the natural resources contained within.

Geography and settlements

The Alta river is the third-longest river in Finnmark county, and empties an ecologically diverse watershed region into the Norwegian Sea.[14] Before the 1980s, the Alta river was over 150 km long and one of the last large rivers in Europe still undammed.[15] The Alta river canyon is among the largest in Europe and contains a varied topography.[14] Upstream, deep in the Kautokeino municipality, the open tundra provides reindeer herds with lichen pasture before transitioning to forest and meadowland downriver.[16] The Alta river was known in Western Europe for the angling of Atlantic salmon, and has historically hosted a significant amount of the species' spawning habitat.[17] The Alta river's salmon population had provided subsistence options for Sami and Norwegians for centuries and also supported an economy of commercial fishing, sports fishing, and tourism.[18] These activities netted salmon in quantities of 50-100 metric tons a year during the 1970s.[15]

The headwaters of the Alta are located deep in western Finnmark and flow past the Sami villages of Kautokeino and Masi before draining into two lakes.[16] From there, the river runs through a geography of mountains and canyons, into the Alta valley and out to the sea.[18] The Norwegian town of Alta sits at the mouth of the river.

The Finnmark County in Norway where Alta is located.

Sami Villages on the Alta

The two Sami villages of Masi and Kautokeino are politically contained in the Kautokeino municipality of Finnmark county and are situated along the upper reaches of the Alta river.[19] The village of Masi held about 400 people in the early 1980s and was almost 100% Sami-speaking at that time.[20][21] Kautokeino, located farther up river than Masi, had a population of about 2,000 during the same time period, where over 80% of the residents spoke Sami as their primary language.[20][21]

Many herded reindeer but farming, hunting or fishing were also common subsistence activites.[22] Others worked in local civil administration or were employed in a service position.[21][22] These villages had retained a largely intact Sami culture into the modern era, partly because Norwegian assimilationist policies saw a weaker implementation in the interior of the Finnmark plateau compared to the coast.[20] Norwegian observers noted a strictly local system of social control, so that even Sami working in non-traditional occupations maintained a traditional identity.[20]

Many Sami in this area lived alternatively in sedentary households as well as in nomadic arrangements, following their herds to the coastal regions in the summertime but maintaining principal households near their interior reindeer pastures on the Alta river.[20][23] Guovageaidnu-Kautokeino was one of the last areas in Norway where reindeer herding was still practiced.[24]

In the decades before the Alta dam plans materialized there was already Sami concern regarding the fast pace of Norwegian resource development in the northern counties. Local Sami and Norwegian fisherman voiced their concerns over overfishing and the destruction of stream spawning areas by hydro-engineering projects.[25] These complaints rarely reached the government after being reported to local fishery associations or were overlooked by decision makers, who rarely sought input on projects beyond the initial scientific or economic recommendations provided by government-sanctioned research bodies.[25] Private organizations who successfully lobbied the government in favour of natural resource development, such as the Norwegian Fisherman’s Association, tended to argue for measures that would benefit broad economic interests over those of small-scale fisheries[24]

Controversy over construction of the Alta dam[edit]

Blockade against Alta hydroelectric project on traditional Sami territories. The project was completed in 1987.

Alta dam early planning phase (1960-1978)[edit]

Internal plans to build a dam on the Alta river began in the early 1960s when the Norwegian Water Resources and Energy Directorate (NVE) sought a location on which to expand the hydroelectric infrastructure serving the northernmost counties.[26] The physical barriers created by the mountain ranges seperating the north and southern regions of Norway made the running of transmission lines expensive; a hydrolectric dam on the Alta was proposed as part of a national energy strategy to make the provision of electricity to the northern counties more affordable.[27][28]

Government planning studies indicated that the building of a dam on the upper reaches of the Alta river would require the flooding of the riverside villages of Mazi and Kautokeino, along with a substantial portion of the surrounding reindeer pasture. This process was conducted in relative silence, without a public consultation process, and without any contact with the representatives of the villages.[27]The first leak of information to the public occurred by accident in the mid-1960s after a local Mazi schoolteacher, upon visiting a regional engineering office in Navrik on unrelated business, took note of open maps that indicated flooding boundaries overlapping the borders of his town.[29]

In 1969, Mazi villagers were denied building permits by the county agricultural office without explanation.[29] The NVE issued no official statements until 1970, when it announced to the public that a dam was to be built on the Alta river, flooding a total area of 75 km² a that would include the two Sami villages.[29]

Local and national public response[edit]

[PHOTO "VI FLYTTER IKKE"] Local opposition towards the proposed dam grew quickly. On August 27, 1970, a visit to Masi made by NVE officials and members of parliament was met by 400 Sami carrying banners protesting the government's announcement.[27][30][29][31] The issues quickly rose in public awareness after the protests gained the attention of the Norwegian and international press.[29]

Pressure from these events reached the governemnt and in 1973 parliament designated the Masi segment of the Alta river a protected heritage area and reduced the scale of the planned project to avoid flooding the village.[29][27][30]

In 1974, an official report on the dam's rationale commissioned by the NVE and Norwegian Hydro warned of the dam's "catastrophic" consequences for reindeer pastoralism.[30][31]

In 1975, national Sami assiciations,[ Norske Samers Riksforbund (NSR), Norske Reindriftssamers Landsforbunder (NRL), and Samenes Land Forbund (SLF)] {ENGLISH TRANSLATIONS?} made public declarations of their disapproval of the project.[30][31] In the same year the environmental advocacy group Norwegian Friends of the Earth (Naturvernforbund, or NVF) publicly accused the government of inadequately assessing the environmental impacts and insisted that parliament scrap the project.[29]. In 1976, the incorporated counties of Masi and Kautokeino both voted against the project[30].

Though the villages were now to be spared of flooding, Masi and Kautokeino residents overwhelmingly felt that the dam represented an emergency threat to the local ecosystem that supported their reindeer and collective livelihoods.[30] , The threat that such flooding posed to reindeer pasture was perceived to have increased by the 1970s on account of the loss of traditional calving and rutting grounds elsewhere from government project development.[27] Many herders concluded that no substitute could be found for the grazing habitat expected to be lost through flooding.

The potential impacts of dam construction on local herding operations were not considered in initial government risk analyses of the Alta dam.[28] Some herders expressed concern that the location of the dam could jeopradize the efficient and safe movement of reindeer between summer and winter pastures.[27] The several herds near the proposed dam required use of shared, narrow migration passages before they could spread out into their respective coastal pastures.[27] The stress responses to work camps, construction vehicles, roads, and landscape-feature changes was expected by ecologists to trigger abortions in pregnant reindeer.[27] The noise and movement from power lines and ground equipment were already known to Masi and Kautokeino residents by this point to be confusing obstacles for migrating herds. [32][27] Herds elsewhere in nearby districts had had their migrations delayed or interrupted by power plant and dam activity.[27] In some cases reindeer refused to use grazing pasture that planning authorities had wrongly assumed would remain as active reindeer pasture after construction of a project was completed [27] Sami also feared that the construction of roads into their remote tundra would invite trespass by outsiders who otherwise would not have had access.[27]

The majority of local Norwegian residents in the town of Alta opposed dam construction, demonstrating sympathy for the affected Sami villages.[29] Anti-dam Alta residents were additionally motivated by concerns about their shared river and the downstream consequences of dam construction on their own resource-based economy.[33] In addition to direct communication with government representatives, these residents were able to add their numbers to highly influential Folkeaksjonen. More than half of all local voters in the 1979 election participated in civil disobedience, public demonstrations, public meetings, or petition signing.[33] In contrast to the anti-dam Alta residents, residents of the nearby township of Elvebakken, who had no fishing privileges in the Alta river, were more likely to support construction of the dam and less likely to express concerns over possible damage to the river.[33] Pro-dam citizens in Elvebakken and Alta joined counter-protest demonstrations or voiced their opinions in town hall forums or local papers.[33]

Left Socialst and Liberal members of the Storting (The Norwegian parliament] were more likely to have sympathy for the interests of local communities in Norway and were therefore a natural path to a parliamentary voice for local Norwegians and Sami who were against the dam. However, given their minority status in the Storting at the time, those parties were not equipped to stop construction.[33] Support for the dam in Storting was found most strongly from members of the Labour and Conservative parties, whose centralist and growth-orientated values informed an eagerness to approve projects with economic potential for nation-building.[33] With a majority in Storting throughout the 1970s and 80s, those parties possessed a large amount of influence on legislative and executive decisions relevant to the outcome of the Alta Dam proceedings.[33] ]

Project approval and Beginnings of Two Anti-dam Protest Movements (1978-[edit]

A version of the project, revised upon pressure from Masi residents, was legislated into being by parliament in 1978.[34][35][36] The now scaled-down project called for 625 Gigawatt-hours (GWh) (down from 1400 GWh) in electrical production and shrunk the number of water impoundments from two dams to one.[35] A 100 m tall dam was to be built across a canyon downstream from Mazi and a 36 km access road was to reach the construction from the nearby Norwegian town of Stilla.[36] Construction of access roads had already begun before the legislation was finalized.[35][36] Though their village was spared from flooding, Mazi residents were still concerned about the unknown impacts of dam construction on reindeer health and continued to organize protest networks.[34]

In the late seventies, two major activist groups arose that coordinated opposition to the dam: the People's Action Group (PAG) and the Sami Action Group (SAG).[36] PAG was a broad coalition formed in 1978 that attracted both environmentalists and indigenous activists and campaigned on a message of saving an ecologically priceless river from the negative effects of dam construction[37][36] [30] SAG, a Sami group that included members from Masi, formed in 1979 after a period of frustration over a failure to have their rights taken seriously.[30] SAG recognized that PAG had framed to the public the issue as concerning primariliy a river, and sought to recentre the Alta dam controversy around the question of Sami sovereignty and the mistreatment of the Sami by the Norwegian government.[36][30]

Folkeaksjonen group demonstration protesting the Alta dam.

In the summer of 1979, a self-identified 'resistance camp' organized by the PAG was set up in Alta.[35][36] The camp consisted of several thousand protesters from all over Norway and Europe.[36] The demonstrations received official statements of support from the World Council of Indigenous Peoples and the International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs.[37][36]

PAG protests happened on site in the Alta district and included the building of camps within construction zones and the blockading of roads. A group of seven SAG members also made their way to the parliament building in Oslo, where they erected a lavvo on the front grounds and demanded that the government rescind its authorization of the Alta dam until Sami rights and status were assessed by the courts.[38][39] After the government rejected their demands, SAG members, on October 9, 1979, staged a hunger demonstration that they declared would not end until the decision was reversed.[30][38][39]

The hunger strikers in Oslo attracted large crowds of support; demonstraters were joined by leftist members of parliament and prominent figures like Norwegian explorer Helge Ingstad.[30] A petition of support received over 20,000 signatures and the first issue of the action group's newspaper sold out a printing of 8,000 copies within hours on the streets of Oslo.[30] Over the next few days, the strikers were repeatedly placed in custody, only to return each time to the parliament grounds where they would erect another lavvo.[30][39] The police also removed over 200 sympathetic demonstrators from parliament grounds by the third day of the strike.[30][39] On October 15, 1979, the executive branch of the Norwegian government responded to the growing national and international pressure from protesters and media and yielded to the demands of the hunger strikers.[40][39] Prime Minister Oddvar Nordli annouced a six-week suspension of construction plans, pending review of the project's legal status.[40] In 1980, the Norwegian government created the Sami Rights Commission to carry out an inquiry into Sami rights and make legislative recommendations based on their findings[39]

Construction was halted for over a year as court cases were argued in the Alta local court.[40] One suit filed by the Sami and allied organizations accused parliament of breaking procedural laws and ignoring the impacts of access roads in their assessment of project risk to reindeer herds.[41][40] In December 1980, the Alta Court of Appraisal rejected the plaintiff's plea by a ruling of 3 to 2 against.[41][39] The plaintiffs immediately made an appeal to the Supreme court which was unsuccessful in a vote that ruled 4 to 3 against.[40]

Rejecting the decisions of the courts, PAG members continued their demonstrations into January 1981, when protesters chained themselves to constructed ice barriers at Stilla.[39] The project's delay had caused conflict within the national Labour party, and in January 1981 Nordli was removed from power by his party and replaced with environment minister Gro Harlem Brundtland. [40] Her governnment promised that construction would proceed and ordered the national police into Alta to remove protesters[40] This was the largest police mobilization in Norway since WWII, with 600 police (10% of the national police force at the time), taken into the area by military air transport.[40] A second protest camp near Alta was the site of up to 1000 arrests.[40]

In February 1981, access road construction was paused again as protest campers continued blocking road construction sites between Alta and Stilla.[40] After two seasons of delay, construction began again in September 1981, only to be interrupted by a third protest camp.[40] This camp remained through the winter until they were countered by a second mobilization of 400 police reinforements.[40] The People's Action relented after a final Supreme Court ruling in 1982. The dam was completed in 1987.[40]

Outcomes[edit]

The completed dam.

Ecological outcomes

As predicted by some of its opponents, the dam had negative effects on the local ecology. A study on salmon density in the Alta River beginning in 1988 found significant reduction in salmon populations in parts of the river furthest upstream as a result of the Alta dam.[42] The highest part of salmon habitat is located 2.5 km downstream of the dam and significant changes in temperatures were observed there.[42] An increase of 1-3 degrees Celsius in September and 1-2 degrees in the winter was discovered along with a decrease of 1-2 degrees Celsius in the summer.[42] The warmer winter temperatures led to a decrease in ice cover of the river resulting in a doubling of mean river discharge. Ice has been shown to provide protection for juvenile salmon from invertebrate predators and the reduction of ice is likely a cause of lower population sizes.[42] Additionally, turbine malfunctions have caused sudden drops in water levels leading to stranding and increased mortality of migratory fish.[42]

Direct impacts of the Alta dam on reindeer population are difficult to study. The initial plans included flooding of the Iešjávri basin, an area central to up to 40 000 reindeer’s migratory routes.[43] Although this plan was revised, the areas ultimately flooded by the revised plans were important to spring calving.[43] It is also speculated that indirect effects of unfamiliar infrastructure may also negatively impact reindeer populations.[27][43]

Legacy[edit]

Sami language button (campaign against development of the Alta)


In popular culture[edit]

La Elva Leve! ["let the river live"] was a 1980 docudrama inspired by the events of the Alta protests. [link to youtube]

In 2014 "in one of the scenes of the Donald Duck Christmas story, mining activists—clad in gákti—and a chain gang show up. Associations to the Alta conflict of the 70s and 80s, where there was great resistance to the building of a dam on the Alta River, are clear", according to NRK.[44] A documentary film Tidsvitne: Alta-kampen ["the Alta Struggle" episode of the Tidsvitne series] was produced by NRK.

A subplot in the 2019 animated musical film Frozen II where a dam built on tribal land by King Runeard, Elsa and Anna's grandfather, alludes to the Alta controversy. Runeard had the dam built ostensibly as a gift to the Northuldrans, a fictional tribe inspired by the Sámi people, but was actually a means to further subjugate the tribe whom the king distrusted for their reliance on magic.[45]

See also[edit]

References[edit]

  1. ^ Donald bruker jula på å hamle opp med gruveaksjonistene på Finnmarksvidda [During Donald's Christmas he overcomes the mining activists on Finnmarksvidda]
  2. ^ a b c d Andersen, Svein S., and Atle Midttun. "Conflict and Local Mobilization : The Alta Hydropower Project 1." Acta Sociologica 28, no. 4 (1985): 317-35. doi:10.1177/000169938502800402.
  3. ^ Paine, Robert. Dam a River, Damn a People?: Sami (Lapp) Livelihood and the Alta/Kautokeino Hydro-electric Project and the Norwegian Government. Copenhagen: International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs, 1982.
  4. ^ a b Dalland, Øystein. "The Alta Case: Learning from the Errors Made in a Human Ecological Conflict in Norway." Geoforum14, no. 2 (1983): 193-203. doi:10.1016/0016-7185(83)90017-9.
  5. ^ Dalland, Øystein. "The Alta Case: Learning from the Errors Made in a Human Ecological Conflict in Norway." Geoforum14, no. 2 (1983): 193-203. doi:10.1016/0016-7185(83)90017-9.
  6. ^ a b c Muga, David A. "A Commentary on the Historical Transformation of the Sami Communal Mode of Production." The Journal of Ethnic Studies 14, no. 1 (1986): 111.
  7. ^ a b c Paine, Robert. Dam a River, Damn a People?: Sami (Lapp) Livelihood and the Alta/Kautokeino Hydro-electric Project and the Norwegian Government. Copenhagen: International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs, 1982.
  8. ^ Sara, Mikkel Nils. 2009. Siida and traditional sami reindeer herding knowledge. Northern Review(30): 153.
  9. ^ Eidheim, H. Aspects of the Lappish minority situation. Universitetsforlaget. (1971)
  10. ^ Eriksen, K.E. and Niemi, E. (1981) Den finske fare. Universitetsforlaget.
  11. ^ a b c Minde, Henry. "Assimilation of the Sami – Implementation and Consequences1." Acta Borealia 20, no. 2 (2003): 121-46. doi:10.1080/08003830310002877.
  12. ^ Sillanpää, Lennard. "A Comparative Analysis of Indigenous Rights in Fennoscandia." Scandinavian Political Studies 20, no. 3 (1997): 197-217. doi:10.1111/j.1467-9477.1997.tb00192.x.
  13. ^ Minde, Henry. "Sami Land Rights in Norway: A Test Case for Indigenous Peoples." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 8, no. 2 (February 02, 2008): 107-25. doi:10.1163/15718110120908367.
  14. ^ a b Store norske leksikon. "Altaelva" (in Norwegian). Retrieved 2013-01-14.
  15. ^ a b Dalland, Øystein. "The Alta Case: Learning from the Errors Made in a Human Ecological Conflict in Norway." Geoforum14, no. 2 (1983): 193-203. doi:10.1016/0016-7185(83)90017-9.
  16. ^ a b Paine, Robert. Dam a River, Damn a People?: Sami (Lapp) Livelihood and the Alta/Kautokeino Hydro-electric Project and the Norwegian Government. Copenhagen: International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs, 1982.
  17. ^ Ugedal, Ola, Tor F. Næsje, Eva B. Thorstad, Torbjørn Forseth, Laila M. Saksgård, and Tor G. Heggberget. "Twenty Years of Hydropower Regulation in the River Alta: Long-term Changes in Abundance of Juvenile and Adult Atlantic Salmon." Hydrobiologia 609, no. 1 (2008): 9-23. doi:10.1007/s10750-008-9404-2.
  18. ^ a b Andersen, Svein S., and Atle Midttun. "Conflict and Local Mobilization : The Alta Hydropower Project 1." Acta Sociologica 28, no. 4 (1985): 317-35. doi:10.1177/000169938502800402.
  19. ^ Store norske leksikon. "Altaelva" (in Norwegian). Retrieved 2013-01-14.
  20. ^ a b c d e Paine, Robert. Dam a River, Damn a People?: Sami (Lapp) Livelihood and the Alta/Kautokeino Hydro-electric Project and the Norwegian Government. Copenhagen: International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs, 1982.
  21. ^ a b c Paine, Richard (1985). "Ethnodrama and the 'Fourth World' : The Saami Action Group in Norway, 1979-1981". In Dyck, Noel (ed.). Indigenous peoples and the nation-state : 'fourth world' politics in Canada, Australia, and Norway. St. John's, Nfld., Canada: Institute of Social and Economic Research, Memorial University of Newfoundland. pp. 190–235. ISBN 0-919666-44-2. OCLC 12798387.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: date and year (link)
  22. ^ a b Anderson, Myrdene. Vectors of Diversification and specialization within Saami society. Purdue University. 1981.
  23. ^ Dalland, Øystein. "The Alta Case: Learning from the Errors Made in a Human Ecological Conflict in Norway." Geoforum14, no. 2 (1983): 193-203. doi:10.1016/0016-7185(83)90017-9.
  24. ^ a b Briggs, Chad M. "Science, Local Knowledge and Exclusionary Practices: Lessons from the Alta Dam Case." Norsk Geografisk Tidsskrift - Norwegian Journal of Geography 60, no. 2 (February 18, 2007): 149-60. Accessed March 3, 2019. doi:10.1080/00291950600723146.
  25. ^ a b Jentoft, Svein, Henry Minde, and Ragnar Nilsen. Indigenous Peoples: Resource Management and Global Rights. Delft, The Netherlands: Eburon, 2005.
  26. ^ Auestad, Inger, Yngve Nilsen, and Knut Rydgren. "Environmental Restoration in Hydropower Development—Lessons from Norway." Sustainability 10, no. 9 (2018): 3358. doi:10.3390/su10093358.
  27. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m Paine, Robert. Dam a River, Damn a People?: Sami (Lapp) Livelihood and the Alta/Kautokeino Hydro-electric Project and the Norwegian Government. Copenhagen: International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs, 1982.
  28. ^ a b Dalland, Øystein. "The Alta Case: Learning from the Errors Made in a Human Ecological Conflict in Norway." Geoforum14, no. 2 (1983): 193-203. doi:10.1016/0016-7185(83)90017-9.
  29. ^ a b c d e f g h Briggs, Chad M. "Science, Local Knowledge and Exclusionary Practices: Lessons from the Alta Dam Case." Norsk Geografisk Tidsskrift - Norwegian Journal of Geography 60, no. 2 (February 18, 2007): 149-60. Accessed March 3, 2019. doi:10.1080/00291950600723146.
  30. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n Paine, Richard (1985). "Ethnodrama and the 'Fourth World' : The Saami Action Group in Norway, 1979-1981". In Dyck, Noel (ed.). Indigenous peoples and the nation-state : 'fourth world' politics in Canada, Australia, and Norway. St. John's, Nfld., Canada: Institute of Social and Economic Research, Memorial University of Newfoundland. pp. 190–235. ISBN 0-919666-44-2. OCLC 12798387.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: date and year (link)
  31. ^ a b c Encyclopedia of the Arctic. Volume 1. Mark Nuttall. New York: Routledge. 2005. ISBN 0-203-99785-9. OCLC 61725014.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: others (link)
  32. ^ Klein, David. 1971. Reaction of Reindeer to Obstruction and Disturbances. Science, vol. 173.
  33. ^ a b c d e f g Andersen, Svein S., and Atle Midttun. "Conflict and Local Mobilization : The Alta Hydropower Project 1." Acta Sociologica 28, no. 4 (1985): 317-35. doi:10.1177/000169938502800402.
  34. ^ a b Paine, Robert. Dam a River, Damn a People?: Sami (Lapp) Livelihood and the Alta/Kautokeino Hydro-electric Project and the Norwegian Government. Copenhagen: International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs, 1982.
  35. ^ a b c d Briggs, Chad M. "Science, Local Knowledge and Exclusionary Practices: Lessons from the Alta Dam Case." Norsk Geografisk Tidsskrift - Norwegian Journal of Geography 60, no. 2 (February 18, 2007): 149-60. Accessed March 3, 2019. doi:10.1080/00291950600723146.
  36. ^ a b c d e f g h i Encyclopedia of the Arctic. Volume 1. Mark Nuttall. New York: Routledge. 2005. ISBN 0-203-99785-9. OCLC 61725014.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: others (link)
  37. ^ a b Dalland, Øystein. "The Alta Case: Learning from the Errors Made in a Human Ecological Conflict in Norway." Geoforum14, no. 2 (1983): 193-203. doi:10.1016/0016-7185(83)90017-9.
  38. ^ a b Dalland, Øystein. "The Alta Case: Learning from the Errors Made in a Human Ecological Conflict in Norway." Geoforum14, no. 2 (1983): 193-203. doi:10.1016/0016-7185(83)90017-9.
  39. ^ a b c d e f g h Encyclopedia of the Arctic. Volume 1. Mark Nuttall. New York: Routledge. 2005. ISBN 0-203-99785-9. OCLC 61725014.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: others (link)
  40. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m Briggs, Chad M. "Science, Local Knowledge and Exclusionary Practices: Lessons from the Alta Dam Case." Norsk Geografisk Tidsskrift - Norwegian Journal of Geography 60, no. 2 (February 18, 2007): 149-60. Accessed March 3, 2019. doi:10.1080/00291950600723146.
  41. ^ a b Paine, Robert. Dam a River, Damn a People?: Sami (Lapp) Livelihood and the Alta/Kautokeino Hydro-electric Project and the Norwegian Government. Copenhagen: International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs, 1982.
  42. ^ a b c d e Ugedal, Ola, Tor F. Næsje, Eva B. Thorstad, Torbjørn Forseth, Laila M. Saksgård, and Tor G. Heggberget. "Twenty Years of Hydropower Regulation in the River Alta: Long-term Changes in Abundance of Juvenile and Adult Atlantic Salmon." Hydrobiologia 609, no. 1 (2008): 9-23. doi:10.1007/s10750-008-9404-2.
  43. ^ a b c Tyler, N.j.c., J.m. Turi, M.a. Sundset, K. Strøm Bull, M.n. Sara, E. Reinert, N. Oskal, C. Nellemann, J.j. Mccarthy, S.d. Mathiesen, M.l. Martello, O.h. Magga, G.k. Hovelsrud, I. Hanssen-Bauer, N.i. Eira, I.m.g. Eira, and R.w. Corell. "Sami Reindeer Pastoralism under Climate Change: Applying a Generalized Framework for Vulnerability Studies to a Sub-arctic Social–ecological System." Global Environmental Change17, no. 2 (2007): 191-206. doi:10.1016/j.gloenvcha.2006.06.001.
  44. ^ Donald bruker jula på å hamle opp med gruveaksjonistene på Finnmarksvidda [During Donald's Christmas he overcomes the mining activists on Finnmarksvidda]
  45. ^ Marshall, Emily Zobel. "Frozen 2's postcolonial plotline: is it all a bit of a charade?". The Conversation. Retrieved 8 July 2020.

Literature[edit]

External links[edit]

Category:Political history of Norway Category:Environmental protests in Norway Category:Sámi politics Category:Political controversies in Norway Controversy Category:1978 in Norway Category:1979 in Norway Category:1980 in Norway Category:1981 in Norway Category:1982 in Norway Category:Dam controversies

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